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The Good Friday agreement of 1998 represented a watershed moment in the history of Northern Ireland. In a country long reeling with internal conflict between Catholics and Protestants, the move represented a long awaited vote for peace. Still, many problems remain, and since the agreement violence has flared up again and again. In spite of a move toward peace, the country is still rife with distrust and enmity and is, essentially, divided.

Since 1968, over 3500 people have died in incidents related to the conflict, and a further 40 000 had been injured. It has been estimated that approximately half of Northern Ireland's population of 1.6 million knows someone who had died in the conflict.

Naturally, these people feel aggrieved. Reconciliation is also hindered by the limited interaction between Catholics and Protestants on a day-to-day level. They live in different neighbourhoods, attend different schools and, of course, churches, and frequent different social establishments.

The conflict is a very complicated one. To understand the challenges that remain, it is essential to consider the factors that had brought about the present situation. History, religious convictions and identity are all interlinked, and knowledge of these factors is crucial to a thorough understanding of the situation. Furthermore, one should be aware of the recent and current political climate and the various attempts to kerb the violence.

History, Religion and Identity

Since as far back as the twelfth century AD, Ireland has been under the yoke of Great Britain. While most of the locals were Catholic, the British invaders were Protestant.

The British government awarded land in Ireland to, among others, British soldiers who had fought in Ireland. Gradually, Catholic landlords were replaced by Protestants. So the populace, of whom the great majority was Catholic and Irish, came to be ruled by Protestants. The fall of the Ulster plantation, a Catholic stronghold, in 1609, was especially significant.

Throughout the seventeenth century, the country was plagued with a series of battles. The colonial divide was further broadened when the Catholic king James II was dethroned by William of Orange in the battle of the Boyne (1790) in which the Catholics suffered huge losses. Soon after, laws was instated that prohibited Catholics from public office, land ownership and schooling. Over the succeeding centuries, scores of Protestants settled in Ireland, particularly in the north.

There are obvious parallels here with, for example, South Africa's apartheid regime. As in South Africa, society in Ireland was structured by a minority in such a way as to suppress the majority.

Such laws only served to further the hatred between the two groups. Not only were Catholics angered, but Protestants were implicitly being taught that Catholics were inferior.

By the early twentieth century, Catholic resistance had spilt over into violence. They wanted an Ireland free of colonial rule. In response the Unionists (i.e. Protestants) threatened to use force to resist the formation of an independent Ireland. They were, in fact, fighting against Catholic rule.

With the situation heading to a climax, the British Prime Minister of the time, Lloyd George, suggested a compromise. In 1921 the island was partitioned into two parts. The six northeastern counties remained part of Britain and became Northern Ireland. The other twenty-six counties were granted independence, and became the Republic of Ireland. Both had their own parliament.

At the time of partition, the Protestants had a two-thirds majority in Northern Ireland. The country's first Prime Minister, James Craig, reportedly said that the state had 'a Protestant parliament for a Protestant people'. Thus disregarding one-third of the population, he set the tone for years of discrimination against Catholics.

According to Professor Mari Fitzduff and Liam O'Hagen's paper 'The Peace Process in Northern Ireland': 'The state effectively discriminated against Catholics in housing, jobs, and political representation.' So, for example, membership of the Orange Order, a wholly Protestant group, was often considered essential in business and politics. Most local councils were also dominated by Protestants.

This kind of discrimination was reinforced by the fact that on a day-to-day level the communities remained separate. They lived in separate neighbourhoods, attended separate schools, and visited different places for entertainment. The communities even differed on certain place names; so, for example, the Protestant Unionists called Londonderry by its official name, 'Londonderry'. The Catholic Nationalists referred to it simply as 'Derry', leaving out the 'London', and thus rejecting a link with Britain.

The lack of contact between the communities, discrimination against Catholics, and a drop in the economy made the mid sixties a time of particular disparity. By now, worldwide non-violence and civil rights movements were coming to the fore. Catholics in Northern Ireland joined the fray and campaigned for equal rights. Many of the Unionists considered these protests to be a threat to the stability of Northern Ireland and its link to Britain.

By 1969, violence had erupted on the streets. Among others, the Irish Republican Army (IRA), who had fought for an independent Ireland in 1920, re-emerged as a paramilitary force. They engaged in series of bombing campaigns and clashed regularly with British forces that had been brought in to kerb the violence. During this period, the IRA became the central symbol of Catholic resistance to oppression.

In August 1971 internment and imprisonment without trial was announced as a measure intended to kerb the violence. Countless Catholics were wrongly interned and imprisoned. In January 1972 British forces opened fire on Nationalist protestors, killing thirteen. The tragedy became known as Bloody Sunday. Such conditions only strengthened the belief under Nationalists that an armed struggle was required as an essential part of their resistance.

Similar Unionist movements answered the paramilitary activities of the IRA. So, for example, the Ulster Volunteer Force (UBF) was reformed. It became a battle between paramilitaries on both sides, with police and British forces trying to stem the bloodshed. But these attempts were also of a partisan nature. So, for example, the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) was notoriously pro-unionist.

Various attempts at bringing an end to the violence failed. In 1974 plans for a power-sharing executive were subverted by the activities of loyalist paramilitaries. By the nineties, belief in an armed struggle finally started wavering. Over twenty years of conflict had not managed to bring about much change.

Disillusion with the ongoing violence finally culminated in the ceasefires of 1994. The IRA announced a complete ceasing in their military activities. Soon after, the Combined Loyalist Military Command (CLMC) followed suit.

Paramilitary groups on both sides formed political wings. So, for instance, the Sinn Fein (the political wing of the IRA), under leadership of Gerry Adams, came to the fore. The shift of focus from the paramilitary IRA to the negotiating Sinn Fein was crucial. A similar move was taking place among loyalists. So, for instance, the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) and the Ulster Democratic Party was born from previous paramilitary groups.

In time all these parties were to play an important role in the advancement of the peace process. A willingness to negotiate was shown by among others the now prime minister, David Trimble (Ulster Unionist Party), John Hume (Social Democratic and Labour Party), Gerry Adams (Sinn Fein) and, to a lesser degree, Ian Paisly from the democratic Unionist Party.

Two years of intense talks finally culminated in the Good Friday agreement (10 April 1998). The agreement was endorsed by all the main Nationalist parties, as well as most of the main Unionist players. It outlined the criteria for the forming of the Northern Ireland Assembly. The power sharing assembly was finally instated in December 1998. It incorporated politicians from both sides of the conflict, under the leadership of Prime Minister David Trimble. The agreement also outlined the early release of paramilitary prisoners. On Friday 22 May 1998 the people of Northern Ireland as well as the Republic accepted the agreement in a referendum.

Along with the Good Friday agreement, the international Belfast agreement was also signed. In this, the Republic of Ireland renounced its territorial claim of Northern Ireland. They also outlined the right to self-determination both north and south of the border. If a United Ireland is to be formed, the people of both Northern Ireland and the Republic will have to want it.

The scene for advancement has thus been set, but many challenges still remain. The society is still divided and tension still surrounds issues relating to decommissioning, parades and the resistance to compromise still shown by some paramilitary groups.

Parades

For more than two hundred years parades have been a source of conflict in Northern Ireland. Most of the parades are organized by the Protestant Orange Order. They claim that the parades, many of which commemorate Protestant victories over Catholics, form a central part of their cultural heritage. Implicitly, it seems some Protestants see their separateness from Catholics as a matter of cultural heritage.

In response, Catholics feel that they should not have to endure parades that celebrate Protestant victories over their forefathers. Protestant parades often follow routes through Catholic neighbourhoods, bringing Catholics face to face with the celebrating Protestants. Protestant arrogance, and a lack of willingness to compromise, are large hurdles on the way to resolving the conflict.

The marching season lasts from Easter Monday to the end of September. During this period, over 3500 parades are held. During the last thirty years, and particularly in the nineties, areas like Drumcree in Portadown, Ormeau Road in Belfast, and the Bogside in Derry has become flashpoints in marching season.

In particular the Drumcree marches along the Garvaghy road, which passes through a dominantly Nationalist area, have attracted attention. In 1995 forces from the Royal Ulster Constabulary prevented marchers from the Portadown District Orange Lodge to march on the Garvaghy road, fearing violence. A two-day standoff ensued.

Eventually the RUC allowed the marchers through, lead by David Trimble and Ian Paisly. As a condition, they were not allowed to march with bands. At the end of the march, Trimble and Paisly reportedly lifted their arms in what appeared to be a gesture of victory. Nationalists who had stood by tolerantly were enraged, and a renewed spate of violence and rioting followed.

The parades of the following two years were also marked by serious standoffs. As a result, the Parades Commission was established in 1998. They were legally responsible for deciding whether parades were to be rerouted, banned or allowed to proceed. They decided to reroute that year's parade, a dissection Unionists did not accept. Another standoff ensued, and once again violence spread. A series of bomb attacks aimed at Catholic homes reached a horrible climax when three boys died in a house that had been firebombed.

To spite the tragedy, the Orange Order voted to continue its standoff. A token demonstration lasting until July of the next year was held in Drumcree. The parades seem to represent such an integral of part of Protestant identity in Northern Ireland, that any threat to it is considered unacceptable.

But the parades are not merely a matter of religion and of remembering where you come from, they are also about excluding Catholics. It is a clear case of affirming your identity at the cost of another. For Catholics the triumphalist parades must seem inextricably connected with the discrimination they had suffered throughout their history.

The solution simply seems to be a compromise. Out of respect, Protestants should refrain from marching through Catholic areas and try to avoid conflict. What makes it more complicated, however, is the fact that any compromise might be seen as giving in to Catholic demands, and this as opening the door to a united Ireland, that which many Protestants consider to be the most serious threat to Protestant identity.

Arms Decommissioning

The violent conflict in Northern Ireland has been inextricably linked to the different paramilitary groups. It is for this reason that the arms decommissioning of these paramilitaries is central to a prolonged peace.

In May 2000 the most prominent paramilitary organization, the IRA, declared that they would not give up their weapons, but would allow an independent inspection. They also pledged to initiate a program by which they are to put all their arms beyond use. Furthermore they undertook to resume contact with the Independent International Commission on Decommissioning (IICD).

Seven weeks later Martti Ahtisaari, the former president of Finland, and Cyril Ramaphosa, a former secretary-general of the African National Congress, announced that they had inspected some of the IRA's arms storage facilities. The dumps reportedly held large amounts of military material. According to some estimates, the IRA has enough weapons to supply the army of a small country and sustain it for as long as a decade.

The armed paramilitary conflict is one that could have continued for much longer. In this light, the IRA's move toward decommissioning is a clear vote for peace. Except for the obvious physical implications, the move also has great symbolic relevance. It represents a very real commitment from the IRA toward a peaceful resolution to the conflict. In Gerry Adams's words, 'In two hundred years there has not been an initiative like this.'

British Prime Minister Tony Blair described the inspections as a 'substantial step'. He pointed out, however, that the inspection of arms-dumps is not decommissioning. It seems that as long as the weapons are still there, even though they cannot be accessed without Ramaphosa or Ahtisaari's assistance, it will remain a problem.

Loyalists demand full IRA disarmament. It is considered such a serious issue that David Trimble resigned from the Northern Ireland assembly in July this year in protest to the IRA's reluctance to fully disarm. Furthermore, Protestants refuse to nominate a replacement until the IRA hands over their weapons. As a result, the assembly is stalled and for the moment the peace process is deadlocked.

Police reform

For the Nationalists the stored arms serve as, among other things, bargaining tools. Sinn Fein is particularly unhappy about what he considers to be inadequate steps toward the police reform.

The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) has served as Northern Ireland's police force since 1922. Over the years Catholics have come to see the RUC as highly partisan. The name and the make-up of the service seem to reinforce the one-sidedness of the RUC. Currently less than 10% of the RUC are Catholic.

The provisions of the Good Friday agreement included steps toward police reform. In particular, a police force was called for that would reflect the demographics of the country, and that would not have to function as an anti-terrorist organization. During the eighties, Northern Ireland was rated by Interpol as the most dangerous place in the world in which to be a policeman. This was largely due to the dual function of civilian policing and anti-terrorist activities.

To further investigate how the outlined provisions could be met, the Independent Commission on Policing, chaired by Chris Patten was formed. Suggestions included renaming the police service, reducing the size by almost 50%, drawing new recruits from a 50/50 pool of Unionists and Nationalists, and human rights training for all officers.

Virtually none of these reforms have taken place. The situation is aggravated by the fact that the RUC has an almost heroic status among Protestants. They are, after all, policemen working under some of the most dangerous conditions in the world.

Conclusion

A lot remains to be done in Northern Ireland. Essentially the country is still divided into two groups, and as long as contact between these groups are limited, negative perceptions are unlikely to change. People from differing religions, on different sides of a shared history, and both afraid of losing their identity, cannot simply be forced to reconcile.

Although it may take a long time to change the underlying discrimination in society, a lot can be done to kerb the violence that sometimes spring from these differences. In this regard, steps toward arms decommissioning and police reform, and increased sensitivity around the issue of parades, are positive developments.

Also, the signing of the Good Friday agreement of 1998 and the subsequent formation of the Northern Ireland assembly represents a crucial step in the right direction. With the sharing of power, the possibilities of a lasting peace have become greater than at any other time during the last thirty years.

But hardliners on both sides remain reluctant to accept the various compromises. And, whereas the Good Friday agreement laid the foundations for peace, it could not guarantee it. In a referendum held in 1998, an estimated 96% of Nationalists and only 52% of Unionists accepted the peace plan. Furthermore parades, and reluctance toward police reform and decommissioning, remain a possible source of conflict, and the possibility of violence remains a constant threat.